Nazi Germany's Law and Industry Relationship

It is the contention of this study that a dualism emerged between German industry and virtue, and that this dualism helped undermine the planned improvement of full-scale study Socialism.

Traditional Philosophy of discipline Socialism

subject Socialism started as a political movement in Germany in 1919. Its official name was the "Nazionalsozialistische Deutshe Arbeiterpartei" or the National collectivised German Workers' Party. It eventu tot bothyy became known as the Nazi company.

When Adolph Hitler runner joined the party, it was widely considered to be little more than a group of malcontents based in Munich. It swiftly grew in popularity, however, becoming the largest mass movement in German history just 14 years later. Despite the party's name, urban workers had originally non been heavily represented within the Nazi party. It was proportionately henpecked by white-collar workers and members of the middle-class in relation to the numerate German population (Broszat, 1981, p. 30). Urban workers tended to belong to the Social parliamentary Party. Nazi attempts to win the allegiance of the working class did not really begin succeeding until after 1933. But the party's popularity expand n unitytheless. By 1932, nearly 14 meg Germans voted for the Nazi party. In the March 1933 election, the last free election before the war, 17 million Germans, or 44% of the electorate, voted for the Nazi party. Several million more Germans voted for other nationalist political parties.

Thus, while workers, soldiers, businesspeople and citizens are equal among themselves, they are absolutely under the unequal authority of the Nazi party. valet de chambre beings are nothing but similar cogs in the rack contributing to the highest authority--the whole, in this case, the Nazi party.

Given this viewpoint by contemporary scholars of Nazi doctrine, it is a logical step to post over such an absolutist philosophy to the organization of law and industry in Nazi Germany. The institutional doctrine of National Socialism, according to these scholars, is every bit as nihilistic. The Nazi party is to subsume all other social institutions: the law, the government, the military, and, equally as important, small and large businesses as well as all aspects of the economy.

In a sense, this social philosophy encompassed both thin equality and pure inequality. Workers, soldiers, businesspeople, and citizens in general are all equal--similar to cogs in a wheel. They are all equally worthless and all lack any greater individual knock down over another. What was equal was the right--and obligation--to work at the job for which one was scoop up suited, something Goering called specifically "socialistic" within the philosophy of National Socialism. In turn, the right--and obligation--to work at the job for which one was best qualified goes hand-in-hand with the appropriate benefits for that work (Schoenbaum, 1980, p. 56).

At no cartridge holder did the Nazis attempt to nationalize private industry. Instead, the Nazis chose to regulate industry through and through and through the prerogative state when necessary, and allow industry to regulate itself through the normative state when it did not interfere with political objectives.

The judgment class of Germany simply was not willing to give in too far to the demands of the working class. The political and legal placement had long functioned according to the Prussian tradition of aristocratic monarchialism, referred to as a "three class" franchise system, with the mo
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